Transnational Governance And Overseas Filipino Workers Politics Essay

Trans democracyal formation And afield Filipino Workers arrangement EssayIn an era of increased globalization, diverse countries turn to different national strategies in suppose to maintain a competitive ring in the global market. For many suffering countries, the labor great agency that they take is a fundamental resource that whitethorn be utilized in order to pursue scotch and social growth and development inwardly their countries. The Filipinos is one of the major countries that rely heavily on its work beat back for frugalal stability and social advancement. Indeed, the Filipino experience of Diaspora is a sad and dexterous story to tell. The occurrence is that Filipinos work popside of the unpolished brings the bacon berth-the dollars that obligates the economic activities in the rural.However, the Filipino brass section is faced with this dilemma how do they make undisput qualified that these Filipinos give awayside of the agricultural maintain the ir affiliates to the bucolic. The fact that they send coin back end to the Filipinos is non enough. They have to make sure that these Filipinos remain affiliated to their baseland lest they might lose them some solar day. A stronger sense of identity, warmarity and patriotism bequeath ensure that these Filipinos willing fibreicipate in the affairs of the coarse which will then ensure continued tin from them in harm of monetary matters. In order to hit much(prenominal)(prenominal) elaboration, the brass should cross borders and utilize re-territorialization and extra-territorial jurisdiction stews-the presidential term now faces the issue of international nerve. These integrating mechanisms to induce union from Filipinos abroad is an reason that should be carried out by the Filipino administration to make sure that Filipinos abroad remain connected to their home country.Research QuestionsWhat difference did the Overseas Absentee Voting Act of 2003 (RA91 89) made in impairment of the semi policy-making participation of OFWs in national and local elections in the Filipinos?How does RA 9189 function as a puppet of transnational brass instrument for the Philippine g all overnment?Why is it Coperni put up for the Philippine semipolitical relation to re-territorialize OFWs tout ensemble over the human being and gain them to enrol in the governing bodyal bear ones of the country?What argon the measures that the Philippine disposal has to take in order to desex transnational constitution on OFWs all over the world? self-sufficient Vari competent RA 9189 or The Overseas Absentee Voting Act of 2003 as a tool of transnational judicature for the Philippine establishment strung-out Variables The transnational connection between OFWs and the Philippine presidency as seen by the exercise of the voting rights of OFWs and its subsequent effects on the domestic regime of the Philippines The sense of identity, solidarity, and nationalism of OFWs as the basis for their corresponding administrational meat and participation The efforts of the Philippine government to seek re-territorialization and establish extra-territorial jurisdiction ( through with(predicate) RA 9198) as a governmental integration mechanismAs such, the contain of this education is to be able to look at RA 9189 as a tool utiliseed by the Philippine government as a semi policy-making integration mechanism to address the much pear-shaped and broader issue of transnational governance which is brought active by the kind magnitude interaction between the economic, social, and policy-making forces at play in the global field of cerebration and their respective counterparts from a state- aim perspective.II. Significance/Importance of the StudyA abbreviated History of Filipino MigrationThe migration of Filipinos to foreign lands has a long history in modern times. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 eased Filipino migrati on into europium. By the turn of the 20th century, the growth of nationalist predilections fermented in Europe by Filipino exiles such as Dr. Jose P. Rizal gave birth to the Philippine nation. In the wee 1900s, Filipino workers laboured hard in the sugar and pineapple plantations of how-do-you-do while skilled Filipino labour in the health and touristry sectors helped in the reconstruction of Europe after the devastation of the Second human race War.The post war era also saw many Filipinos connective the US navy for the privilege to petition for residence in the linked States and live a better life. The 1970s saw the massive importation of Filipino construction workers to the Middle East where petrodollars were readily available. By the mid-eighties and the 1990s, there were Filipino doctors and physical therapists in the United States, Filipino nurses in the United Kingdom, Filipino secretaries in the UN headquarters in Geneva, Vienna and impudent York, Filipino engineer s and teachers in Africa and Asia, Filipino au pairs in Scandinavia, domestic workers in Italy and Hong Kong, and seamen in Greece. Filipino migration has spread to new(prenominal) continents and by the 2nd millennium continues unabated. Filipinos be the second largest migratory population in the world (Hoegsholm, 2007). certain Trends and SituationThe Philippines is one of the major countries that rely on its labor force for the instigate of its economy. Of the 80 million raft in the country, approximately 10 percent is outside of the country working permanently or temporarily and because of this massive diaspora, Filipino migration continues to be a major concern for the Philippine government. However, one aspect of this issue that remains unexplored or all told ignored is the fact that these Filipino migrators can be substantive policy-making forces that may entrance the governmental situation in the country. The semi policy-making establishment in the Philippines i s one that needs reforms and transformations. As a democratic country, the electoral process of the country provides for an opportunity for the people to choose supportatives that will authorise them.However, time and time again, corruption and bureaucracy over rules democracy-the voice of the people through electoral votes is not entirely reflective of the governmental reposition so long desired by the Filipinos. Perhaps it is a omit of the participation from the middle secernate of the country perhaps it is a impart of the indifference of the average citizen of the country and perhaps many people do not see wherefore they should be clamouring for replace in the government when clearly the government has nothing to do with their economic option any much.Such is the case of the many Filipinos living and working outside of the country, and such political outlook may be sh ard by their families in the Philippines as good. Seeing as the Filipinos outside of the country may be a significant political force that can initiate changes in the political agreement of the country, there is a need to understand how to whack these political forces that might serve the interest of the Filipino nation in common.Table 1. Estimate of Overseas Filipinos, cathexis on Filipinos Overseas (2009)Commission on Filipinos OverseasSTOCK ESTIMATE OF OVERSEAS FILIPINOSAs of celestial latitude 2009PERMANENTTEMPORARYIRREGULARWORLD TOTAL4,056,9403,864,068658,370Table 2. nary(prenominal) of Overseas Registered Voters, Commission on Elections, COF (2009)Overseas Absentee Voting2009 Statistics on add together of Registered VotersSummary per continent and seaf bers2007DELETED (Failed to vote twice)Asia Pacific191,76147,219North South Africa27,2474,886Europe48,46212,233Middle East Africas218,25068,482Total Landbased485,720132,820Seafarers18,404OVERALL TOTAL504,124132,820Comparing tables 1 and 2, we can see that of the more(prenominal) than 8 million Filipinos abroad, scarce a unretentive over 500,000 people are registered voters. These images are strikingly significant if we are to consider Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) as political forces that may serve as an avenue of the much needful political change in the Philippines.Literature ReviewOn Transnational Governance and Nationalism The Issue of TransnationalismIn a precise relevant study concerning the issue of the nationalism of Filipino migratorys and the transnational governance efforts of the Philippine government, Rodriguez (2002) argued that citizenship, and the obligations prone to it, is apply as a state strategy for income generation for the Philippine government. Further, citizenship has become a means by which the Philippine state disciplines unsettleds as cheap workers for the global economic ordertransformations in notions of Filipino nationalism and citizenship have given rise to new kinds of transnational citizenship struggles allowing Filipino migrant workers to demand econom ic, political and cultural rights of the Philippine state wherever they may be. Rodriguez also explored the idea that Filipino migrants nowadays offer alternative nationalisms that altercate the constraints imposed by the governance efforts of the Philippine government.This study is distinguished principally because it pointed out that transnationalism may be looked at from two perspectives that of the government and that of the Filipino migrant workers and their advocates. When looking from the point of view of the government, Filipino migrants are transnational citizens that can serve the best interest of their homeland. For instance, in recognizing that abroad Filipino workers are the new or modern-day heroes of the country, the Philippine government explicitly commits itself to ensuring that the welfare rights of these migrant workers are protected beyond the territorial boundaries of their country.As the heroes of Philippine society, migrants are extended especial(a) rights and privileges. Yet ultimately, as citizens, Filipino migrants are expected and indeed forced to comply with particular obligations to their home state that ultimately serve the interests of global capital (Rodriguez, 2002). On the new(prenominal) hand, Rodriguez also explored the idea of alternative nationalism pursued by migrant advocates such as the group Migrante International. fit in to this idea, the Philippine state owe it to the Filipinos abroad to secure their rights in their host countries and ultimately triad them back to the Philippines. However, when this study was conducted, scarcely the Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995 or RA 8042 was in effect. The Overseas Absentee Voting Act or RA 9189 was passed into equity in 2003 a year after Rodriguezs study was published. Since then, a take of changes in the political strategies of the government in terms of addressing the issues of transnationalism among Filipino migrant workers all over the nut have taken place.RA 9189 Overseas Absentee Voting Act of 2003 Causes, Roots, and ImplicationsConcerning the issue as to why RA 9189 was not enacted as a law earlier, Moon (2009) argued that the passage of RA 9189 was a product of the kinetic interaction between external (the presidential support in mid-term legislative elections, the emergence of a sectoral party Akbayan in the d wellheading of Representatives since 1998, the Asian economic crisis, and the advent of the Internet in the late 1990s) and inner(a) factors (International Coalition for Overseas Filipinos Voting Rights ICOFVR and the increase grievances of overseas Filipinos towards the Philippine government). According to this study the enactment of RA 9189 was neither a sole decision of the political elite such as the president and legislators, nor a consequence purely of overseas Filipinos avid lobby campaigns for their voting rights (Moon, 2009). Instead, the author believes that the factors in the political system of the country and the growing activism of Filipino migrant workers led to the boffo passage of the Absentee Voting Act of 2003.RA 9189 is clearly an effort by the Philippine state to re-territorialize Filipinos all over the world mainly for economic reasons but it also reflects the initiative of the state to respond to the needs of the millions of Filipinos overseas intertwined in the increasing globalization of labor. As Bach Solomon (2008) have pointed out in their study, the urge to re-territorialize is partly about maintaining state legitimacy through the identification and participation of its citizens, partly about exercising sovereign power over extra-territorial flows, and partly an attempt to secure sources of state revenue as wealth becomes located outside the country. Furthermore, these authors have argued that globalization leads not always to decentralization but also to significant state efforts in building centrally controlled administrative structures the transnatio nal migrant worker shapes new articulations of breaking and political membership, and as such migrant populations function as agents of social change and the formalization of trans-nationalism among migrants points to new, institutionalized mechanisms through which nation-states with large migrant populations manage, channel and develop political action and subjectivity (Bach Solomon, 2008).Such arguments are very(prenominal) important in because it illustrates the issue of transnational governance that is faced by about all every state in the context of globalization. Indeed, there is an ready need for states to figure out how transnational governance works if at all for the benefit of the millions of migrant workers around the globe. Furthermore, their study has pointed out other important issue that globalization and the need for extra-territorial governance are dynamic factors that influence one another which constantly evolve through the increasing interdependence of sta tes arising from the situation in the contemporary global order. Therefore, there is an agile need for political actors and academics alike to put forth more effort in understanding the political integration mechanisms that is likely to come out of transnational governance concerns.Transnationalism, Transnational Governance, Extra-territorial Jurisdiction Concepts and IssuesWith regards to transnationalism, transnational governance, extra-territorial jurisdiction, and re-territorialization-the most important challenge for nation states that seek to address these transnational issues is to acknowledge the fact that they have no effectively employ governance strategies within an anarchic system. In a study by Risse (2004), he pointed out that governance in the global system is about creating social and political order in the absence of modern statehood. He further adds that democratic governance beyond the nation-state faces serious hurdlesthe main job of transnational governance c oncerns the leave out of congruence between those who are being governed and those to whom the governing bodies are accountable (Risse, 2004). The most important reflection from this study is that states have to dodge ways to exercise transnational governance in an international estate where transnational accountability and legitimacy remains to be a problem at large.The Philippine ExperienceThe Philippines, being one of the very fewer states that have really dealt with the issue of migration in a head-on manner, has a serve up of experiences to draw up decisions from. Hence, in an era where transnational governance seems to be an option to maintain a steady hold on its nationals in the increasing wave of transnationalism and globalization. In fact, one of the many advantages of the Philippine government is that one of the distinctive traits of Filipinos is that they are deeply attached to their familial roots-there will always be a sense of wanting to give out to something th at could connect them from where they came from. This innate characteristic may not be reflected nonetheless in the political sense, but it is certainly is seen in terms of the economic and social support of Filipino migrants to their homeland. As Bach Solomon (2008) pointed out, in the Philippines, a sense of solidarity latent among countrymen and women abroad was skil richly mobilized in order to capitalize on three things the desire of Filipinos to make money abroad to support family back home the desire of Filipinos abroad to consider themselves part of their nation an appeal to pride in order to raise the skill-level and market niches of the migrant workers. Hence, the Philippine government could use this to their advantage when coming up with political integration mechanisms to employ transnational governance over the millions of Filipinos overseas.Although a lot of Filipinos feel resentment to the very government that pushed them out of their homeland and nationalism and id entity may not be as strong as compared to other sending countries and may be even scattered at large, there will always be that invisible connection to their experience country which arises from the fact that as human beings we would always desire to belong and identify ourselves unto something. Capitalizing on this, the Philippine government should be able to employ effective transnational governance mechanisms. Of grad, there will always be domestic issues that will hinder the state in maximizing the possible of the government to exercise transnational governance, some would even reject the idea that such kind of mechanism should be employed, instead, Filipinos all over the world should be wind to return back to the Philippines. However, the contemporary situation requires for political actions otherwise the world is becoming increasingly interdependent, globalization is true, and transnational political action is needed-fast.The Research Gap in Existing LiteratureThe writin gs about transnational governance, its advantages and disadvantages, is not lacking. There are also debates as to whether such mechanism is even needed or not. Furthermore, the discussion of the merits and demerits of capitalizing on Filipino nationalism, culture, and solidarity in applying transnational governance efforts by the Philippine government is also abundant. There is also an expansive literature about the grapheme of governments in facilitating the whole migration process. However, there is a research gap in terms of recognizing the political impact that overseas Filipinos could make on the country if the government would be able to employ effective and efficient political integration mechanisms. This study will aim to fill the missing link between the importance of mobilizing the political capacity of migrant Filipinos and its implications on the political dynamics of the Philippines. Furthermore, this study will seek to explain why and how the Philippine government sh ould be bolder in pursuing transnational governance mechanisms and develop an understanding as to how the dynamics between migrant workers and the government could be fully utilized.III. Research Framework, Concepts, Theories, and PropositionsResearch FrameworkThis framework shows the concepts and issues that are needed to be addressed in terms of using transnational governance as the connecting link that will bridge the gap between OFWs and the Philippine government. Specifically, this framework is meant to explore the case of RA 9198 as a tool of transnational governance that can strengthen the participation of OFWs in the political outcomes of the country through electoral votes and representation. The political interaction between the OFWs and the government may be bridged through the employment of transnational governance on the part of the government and the corresponding participation by the OFWs. The broken lines represent the possibility of bridging this political gap throu gh the employment of transnational governance mechanisms although the maximum potential of such connection is yet to be explored. Meanwhile, the solid lines represent the concepts which are to be explored using the perspective of either the OFWs or the Philippine government. Hence, the concepts of identity, solidarity, nationalism, and political representation and participation should be tackled from the point of view of OFWs whereas the concepts of extra-territorial jurisdiction, re-territorialization, and political integration mechanisms concern the Philippine government. Meanwhile, the dotted lines connect the factors that are likely to influence one another. For instance, the concepts of identity, solidarity, and nationalism among OFWs may be used by the Philippine government as the founding blocks of re-territorialization efforts on their part and in return these efforts by the government may induce more solidarity and a further sense of nationalism on the part of OFWs. Further more, political representation and participation from the OFWs may be used by the government as a platform for integration mechanism between the governing in the host country and the homeland, and in return such integration efforts from the government may encourage OFWs to participate in the political processes of their homeland. interpreted together, these concepts create a model of transnational governance for the Philippine government in terms of dealing with Filipino migrants at least in the sense that OFWs are seen as a significant political force that may contribute to the growth and development of the polity in the Philippines in the long run.Concepts, Theories, and PropositionsTime and again, OFWs all over the globe have turn up their invaluable economic contributions to the Philippines by bringing in millions of dollars in the country that supports the economy at large. These economic contributions have been translated into social contributions by ensuring that households receiving remittances are investing more in education and health. Overall, receiving households have been experiencing an increase in the quality of life because of the stability brought about by the monthly remittances from family members working abroad. As a result of this new economic and social empowerment the so-called middle class of the Philippine society are increasing in number. However, the political contribution of this newly emerging middle class if mobilized to its maximum potential is something that political scientists and social researchers should further explore.The concept that OFWs are untapped political forces that could introduce drastic political changes in the Philippines would only be possible if the Philippine government itself would be able to straighten out the political value held by the millions of Filipinos working and residing overseas. If the government would be able to employ effective and efficient measures of transnational governance that will render the Filipino workforce outside of the country then they will be able to exercise their maximum potential as transnational citizens of the country. guessThe argument of this study is three-fold one is that Filipino migrant workers all over the world have become distant not only from the Philippine government itself but from the very political processes of the state as well the second is that the government is not utilizing the maximum potential of OFWs as agents of political change finally, this study asserts that if the government would be able to tap the capacity of OFWs as political forces then it will invoke the political participation of the middle class in the Philippines which will lastly lead to a radical change in the polity of the country.Going the Distance The wishing of Political Participation from OFWsIt is known that millions of Filipinos abroad rarely participate in the political processes of their homeland in its most general sense, particularly in the elector al processes of the country. The lack of participation from OFWs may be attributed to a number of reasons. First, there is the problem of logistics. Many of the Filipino workers would have to travel long distances in order for them to register as absentee votes to be able to participate in the national elections of the country. In addition, they would have to allocate time and resources on their own. This would include getting off from work in a day or two which means they would have to forego of their salary during those times. whatever Filipino workers reside and work far away from Philippine embassies or voting posts and as such participating in the electoral process would require so much of their time and financial resources. Given these things, they would doubtless consider if it is well worth it to exercise their voting rights. Some of them however regard the situation as given and that they could not do anything about it at all. If given the choice between working and part icipating in the electoral process, a lot of them would honourable choose the former, because it is much more convenient for them to stay out of the entire process. Another reason is that, a lot of the Filipino workers are very distant with the Philippine government because they remain distrustful of the very government that could not support them in their own country. Furthermore, they do not see the reason as to why they should be caring for the needs of the government when in fact they do not rely much on the government for support. In other words, they do not depend on the government for financial support because they earn their living from outside of the country. As such, OFWs feel very little attachment to the government and they remain sceptical of the government in terms of the growth and development that it can provide for the Filipino nation in general.This attitude of indifference is a result of the thinking that there is no hope left for a change within the political sy stem of the country. Hence, the why-bother-attitude remains prevalent in the way that the millions of overseas Filipino workers think. Moreover, the lack of motivation among OFWs in terms of participating in the political processes of the country remains to be an acceptable norm and so it creates a heart of mutuality among those who live and work abroad. Such indifference, is not just unam large-scaleuous in the voters turnout during electoral processes, but could also be seen in the civil and political participation of these OFWs when they are abroad. A relatively teensy-weensy number of OFWs are active in pursuing their rights and welfares both in their home country but in their host country as well. This general feeling of indifference remains to be a big disadvantage and a hindrance to the relative growth and development of the civic and political participation of OFWs all over the world-one which is an unhealthy shortcoming that is very much reflected in the domestic politic s of the Philippines.Governing from Across Borders The need of Transnational Governance MechanismsOn the one hand, there is a large and significant number of OFWs all over the world that remains very indifferent to the political affairs of the country. On the other hand, there is the Philippine government who does not seem to exert as much effort as it should have been doing in order to induce political participation from its nationals who are residing and working in many different parts of the world. Obviously, the government is aware of these untapped political forces but the question remains as to why there is not enough effort from its part in order to encourage such political participation. In answer to this question, a number of reasons come to mind. First is that in order to induce a full-scale participation from its overseas nationals, the government has to invest a significant amount of money to facilitate electoral processes from outside its national borders. For instance , the government and its corresponding offices, agencies, or posts would have to ensure that the Filipinos migrant workers would have to chip in less of their time and resources in order to participate in the electoral processes of the country. For instance, more voting posts would have to be established and then the government should also provide more incentives to those who are willing to take a day off from work in order to participate in the voting processes. This requires additional financial and manpower resources and since Philippine embassies abroad only have a few employees, ensuring an efficient and effective program to encourage more people to vote would not be an easy depute to carry out. Furthermore, considering that a lot of these embassies operate under a limited budget, it would require a lot of bureaucratic and legislative work in order to arrive at certain programs that will promote and encourage participation from OFWs.Another reason that comes to mind is that t here may be certain individuals in governmental posts or interest groups that may be preventing the government from pursuing an all-out policy to support the participation of OFWs in the political processes of the nation. There may be some politicians who are timid of the capabilities of OFWs as a coherent political force and as such they may be preventing measures in order to fully realize such capabilities. These are all political concerns and strategies at the local and national level which hinders the empowerment of the many OFWs who are residing and working outside of the territorial boundaries of the Philippines. Nevertheless, the government itself may be largely at fault in terms of the not-so satisfying political participation that it gets from its citizens from scattered all over the world. Without a strong political will to carry out the tasks of promoting and encouraging more political participation from OFWs little results are likely to be achieved both in the short and long run.In this regard, the government is missing on a lot of the political tools that is available at its disposal in order to carry out such strategies. For instance, it does not utilize RA 9189 as a powerful tool of transnational governance mechanism. If the government would be able to capitalize on the inherent nationalist sentiments and connections of the overseas Filipinos to their homeland and combine it an efficient utilization of the RA 9189 as a tool of transnational governance then acceptable political results may follow.OFWs as Untapped Agents of Political ChangeUltimately, however, the right steer of leadership and a healthy dose of political will may lead to a successful realization of the potential capacity of OFWs as political forces that may be crucial in determining the future course of the political systems in the country. For instance, if OFWs all over the world would be able to participate in the political processes of the country then they could largely infl uence their families and relatives to do as well back in the Philippines. This may well be the start of the awakening of the middle class in Philippine society which has long been pointed out as the missing link that could eventually lead to the much needed change in the political change in the country. Furthermore, if the political participation of OFWs all over the world can trigger middle class participation back in the Philippines, significant changes could happen not just in the governmental system of the country but in the general context of the society in general as well. Indeed, the full-scale participation of the middle class in Philippine political context is a much anticipated change because this means that those who remain very indifferent to the political processes of the country would have their voices hear and would then eventually lead to radical political changes not just within the territorial boundaries of the country but well without its borders as well.If the Ph ilippine government and its designated agencies in and out of the country can maximize and fully utilize the implementation of RA 9189, then Filipinos all over the globe could actively participate in the political processes of the country and hence radic